Remembering the Magdalene Women on International Womens’ Day

We are pleased to welcome this post from Claire McGettrick of Justice for Magdalenes. This post is an updated version of a statement given to Oireachtas Retort for an article commemorating Election Day 2016.

Last Sunday, hundreds of people around Ireland honoured the women who lived and died behind Magdalene Laundry walls as part of the fifth annual Flowers for Magdalene commemorations held at various cemetaries around Ireland.  Every year, I walk around the Magdalene graves at Glasnevin prior to the ceremony to ascertain if there have been any changes. It has been six years since the Sisters of Our Lady of Charity claimed they were at ‘an advanced stage in making arrangements for the full and accurate details relating to these women…to be recorded in Glasnevin Cemetery’. In that time, just 10 new names have been added to the High Park gravestones, with no changes in the past 12 months. None of these changes rectify the discrepancies identified by Justice for Magdalenes Research (JFMR) over a year ago.

The very idea of celebrating International Women’s Day under such circumstances seems futile, even disrespectful. Regardless of how you mark International Women’s Day, please take a moment to read the following and consider how it is possible in 2016 for some of our most vulnerable citizens to be treated with such contempt.

On 19th February, we marked the third anniversary of Enda Kenny’s emotional apology to Magdalene survivors. When footage from that day is shown it usually focuses on the moment when the Taoiseach was reduced to tears in the Dáil chamber. Two weeks previously, when the McAleese Report was published on 5th February 2013, there were no such tears. Refusing to apologise, the Taoiseach alleged that because of the McAleese Report, ‘the truth and reality‘ had been ‘uncovered and laid out for everyone to read and to understand‘. Two weeks later, however, the historic apology finally came and thereafter, there was little interest – from media or otherwise (Conall O’Fátharta is a notable exception) – in anything other than the former government’s ‘good news story’, which began and ended with the apology.

Was the Taoiseach’s tearful apology the result of a ‘road to Damascus’ moment that occurred at some point between 5th and 19th February? Or, was it a political decision designed to make the Magdalene problem go away? The experiences of survivors in contact with our organisation would suggest that, unfortunately, it was the latter.

During that two-week period, the Taoiseach came under immense public criticism for his performance on the day the McAleese Report was released. Mr Kenny also faced pressure at cabinet level from his coalition partners, while junior Labour TDs and senators also threatened a walk out from a parliamentary party meeting.

The Taoiseach also had a busy diary between 5th and 19th February. Just days prior to the release of the Report, Senator McAleese resigned on 1st February. On 11th February the Taoiseach met with Nuala Ní Mhuircheartaigh, Senator Martin McAleese’s legal advisor and co-author of the McAleese Report. Also on 11th February, Enda Kenny met a group of Magdalene survivors. On 14th February, the Taoiseach had a meeting at Beechlawn Nursing Home, also the location of the generalate of the Sisters of Our Lady of Charity, who ran the High Park and Gloucester Street laundries in Dublin. The facts surrounding the purpose of this meeting and who was in attendance remain unknown. Two days later on 16th February Enda Kenny travelled to London to meet Magdalene survivors, many of whom left or escaped from the laundries to leave Ireland behind by emigrating to the UK.

On 8th February, JFM was also approached informally by a civil servant in the Department of Foreign Affairs about organising a meeting between the Taoiseach and survivors in contact with our organisation. In accordance with our survivor-centred ethos, we wished to ensure that survivors could make a decision regarding their attendance at such a meeting in an informed capacity. Thus, we responded to the civil servant the same day, requesting a letter from the Taoiseach’s office setting out the purpose of the meeting; the format of the meeting; the agenda for the meeting; who would be present and whether it would be open to all survivors who wished to attend. We also asked what guarantees could be given that survivors would be protected from the media. No response was forthcoming from the Taoiseach’s office and therefore, survivors in contact with JFM did not meet with Enda Kenny during this time.

On the night of the apology, Enda Kenny announced that he had asked Mr Justice John Quirke to make recommendations to government on a scheme for Magdalene Laundry survivors. In June 2013, Mr Justice Quirke published The Magdalen Commission Report and while the financial element of the ex gratia scheme fell far short of what survivors deserve, JFMR nonetheless welcomed it, in recognition of the other recommended benefits and services, particularly the establishment of a Dedicated Unit and the provision of an enhanced medical card which would provide access to ‘the full range of services currently enjoyed’ by HAA Card holders.  We were pleased when the government announced that it would accept all of Judge Quirke’s recommendations.

A month previous to the publication of the Quirke Report, on 22nd May 2013, Felice Gaer, Rapporteur for Follow-up on Concluding Observations at the United Nations Committee Against Torture (UNCAT) wrote to the Irish State as part of the follow-up process on UNCAT’s recommendations in 2011. In this letter, the Rapporteur noted that the McAleese inquiry ‘lacked many elements of a prompt, independent and thorough investigation, as recommended by the Committee [Against Torture] in its Concluding Observations’.  The letter went on to ask the Irish State whether it ‘intends to set up an inquiry body that is independent, with definite terms of reference, and statutory powers to compel evidence, and retain evidence obtained from relevant religious bodies’.

On 8th August 2013, just six months after the apology, the Irish State responded to UNCAT, asserting that ‘[n]o factual evidence to support allegations of systematic torture or ill treatment of a criminal nature in these institutions was found’ by the McAleese Committee and ‘in light of facts uncovered by the McAleese Committee and in the absence of any credible evidence of systematic torture or criminal abuse being committed in the Magdalene Laundries, the Irish Government does not propose to set up a specific Magdalen inquiry body’.

Three years later the government has seriously undermined Magdalene survivor’s trust, as it has cut corner after corner on the implementation of the ex gratia scheme. Survivors are still awaiting the establishment of a Dedicated Unit, a measure that should have been put in place immediately and not after the women, in many cases, have had to navigate the Ex Gratia Scheme alone. Some survivors have difficulty in proving duration of stay because of the religious orders’ poor record keeping, yet incredibly, the government affords greater weight to the religious orders’ contentions than survivor testimony.

The healthcare provisions as outlined in the RWRCI Guide do not provide Magdalene survivors with the same range of drugs and services made available to HAA cardholders. The women who have signed up to the Magdalene scheme thus far were required first to waive their rights to take additional legal action against the State, In return, they were led to expect that they would receive the full range of benefits and services recommended by Mr Justice Quirke.

In July 2015, six months after JFMR called on the HSE to provide survivors with a comprehensive guide to their entitlements under the scheme, the HSE sent survivors a five-page document. The Guide to Health Services under the Redress for Women Resident in Certain Institutions Act 2015, is an insult when compared to the comprehensive 48-page guide provided to HAA cardholders.

The government has failed Magdalene survivors living overseas. In this regard the government has repeatedly said it is ‘examining the practical arrangements’ for the provision of health services to women living abroad, however no timeframe has been given as to when this ‘administrative process’ will be in place. The needs of elderly survivors who are part of our Diaspora appear to have dropped off the State’s agenda.  This is particularly the case for survivors based outside of Ireland and the UK.

And, if survivors who are still alive have dropped off the agenda, unsurprisingly, the deceased do not feature at all.

To-date, JFMR has recorded the details of 1,663 women who died in Ireland’s Magdalene Laundries, almost twice the figure cited in the McAleese Report. The Report does not count the deaths of women who died in the laundries before 1922. Neither does the report count women who lived and died in institutionalized settings, still in the charge of the religious orders, after the laundries closed down. The McAleese Report maintains that the ‘vast majority’ of women who entered the Magdalene Laundries prior to 1922 were no longer in the institutions after the foundation of the State and consequently these so-called ‘legacy cases’ were ‘excluded from the statistical analysis’

Alice K, Agnes D and Maggie M are three of the women who were compartmentalised into the category of ‘legacy cases’ and who were thus omitted from the McAleese Report.

Alice K was twenty-nine years old when she was recorded in the 1911 Census for the Peacock Lane laundry in Cork.  On 26th November, 1961 an Alice O’K died and was interred in the Peacock Lane grave site at St Finbarr’s Cemetery in Cork.  If this is one and the same woman, Alice spent a minimum of 50 years at Peacock Lane.

At the age of twenty-eight, Agnes D appears in the 1901 Census record for High Park Laundry. The 1911 Census was recorded differently at High Park, with only initials used for each woman.  An ‘A. D.’ is recorded as aged thirty-four and from Dublin City. An Agnes D is interred at the High Park burial site at Glasnevin Cemetery in Dublin. She died on 4th August, 1967.  Agnes’s name does not appear on the exhumation licence for High Park and it is unclear whether or not she was one of those exhumed there in 1993.  Again, if this is the same woman, Agnes spent at least 66 years at High Park.

Maggie M is recorded in the 1911 Census for the Good Shepherd Laundry in Limerick at just eighteen years of age.  On 2nd December 1985, Margaret M died and was interred at the Good Shepherd Laundry grave at Mount St Oliver Cemetery in Limerick.  If this is the same woman, Maggie was confined for her entire adult life, a minimum of 74 years in the Good Shepherd Laundry in Limerick. Maggie is doubly excluded from the McAleese Report as she entered before 1922 and died after the laundry closed.

As part of our various submissions to the McAleese Committee, JFMR (then JFM) provided/shared all of its research materials and databases of names on Magdalene graves. Despite having this information, as well as enjoying access to the records of the religious orders, the IDC nonetheless managed to omit certain deaths from the Report and did not identify the discrepancies as outlined by JFMR here. These discrepancies include the fact that 51 women from Gloucester Street Magdalene Laundry whose names are inscribed on three headstones at a particular location in Glasnevin are not buried at that location, but are interred elsewhere.

For JFMR, and our sister organisation Adoption Rights Alliance (ARA), thoughts of celebration are far from our minds. Our work continues in reporting to the United Nations (for example, our submissions to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women here and here). We are also assisting with the provision of information to the Commission of Investigation into Mother and Baby Homes and Certain Related Matters and in the coming months we will be making a joint announcement in this regard.

During the week of the general election a vulnerable Magdalene survivor – we’ll call her Bridget – phoned to say she had spent 17 hours on a drip, sitting in a chair in a crowded A&E.  Bridget shed tears of happiness in the Dáil on the night of the apology. She phoned me the next day, concerned about the Taoiseach – ‘the poor man was very upset’ she said. Three years later however, she feels completely hoodwinked. Her lump sum payment is gone – she had debts to clear and had family to look after. Bridget has serious health issues and for her the enhanced medical card is of the utmost importance. She read Appendix G of Judge Quirke’s report and signed away her right to sue the State based on the legitimate expectation that she would receive a comprehensive healthcare suite of services. She certainly expected better than waiting 17 hours in A&E. Bridget has lived a hard life which has been a constant struggle, but she is a fighter – again and again she picks herself up and keeps going. She’s tired however, and keeps asking me when it will be over. The State apology represented hope and she thought the fight was finished on 19th February 2013 – I haven’t the heart to tell her that it’s nowhere near finished, and that the State itself will likely resist her every step of the way.

On this International Women’s Day, take a moment to think of Bridget, Alice, Agnes, Maggie and the other women who were incarcerated in Ireland’s Magdalene Laundries. Indeed, think of all the women who have had to shoulder the burden of progress – Louise O’Keeffe, Joanne Hayes, Eileen Flynn, Ann Lovett, the women infected with Hepatitis C, symphysiotomy survivors, Ms X, Ms Y, Savita Halappanavar, Philomena Lee and the thousands of women whose children were forcibly adopted – to name but a few.

Think of them, remember them and honour them however you see fit.

Remembering the Magdalene Women on International Womens’ Day

Call for Contributions: Paris Climate Agreement

This weekend (12-13 December) was marked by the conclusion of the much-awaited Paris Climate Agreement. The Agreement has been celebrated as ‘historic’ and as a decisive step in committing all states in the fight against climate change. On the other hand, criticisms against its ‘soft’ legal character and unsatisfactory targets have already been voiced.

Law and Global Justice at Durham and Human Rights in Ireland are co-hosting an interdisciplinary online symposium on the Climate Agreement. We are seeking contributions that address questions including (but not limited to) climate change and human rights, the legal character of the Agreement, international law and scientific evidence, the relationship between the Global North and the Global South in the light of historic wrongs, climate change and the question of refugees. We welcome contributions from law, but also from political science, international relations, geography, climate science, sociology, and other disciplines. We would particularly welcome contributions from the perspective of the Global South and of indigenous communities.

Contributions should generally not exceed 1,500 words and should be sent to Ms Ntina Tzouvala (konstantina.tzouvala@dur.ac.uk) by Monday 21st of December. Later contributions will also be considered.

Call for Contributions: Paris Climate Agreement

Hungary’s Border Control Actions: Past the Borderline of International Law

 

Bríd Ní Ghráinne is a lecturer in International and Refugee Law at the University of Sheffield. She holds a DPhil from the University of Oxford and an LLM for Universiteit Leiden. She can be contacted at b.a.nighrainne@sheffield.ac.uk. A shorter version of this article is available at the Oxford Human Rights Hub blog.

 As the European refugee ‘crisis’ worsens, the Hungarian government is resorting to more extreme border control measures that test the parameters of international law. The Guardian reported on 17 September that Hungary had fired gas canisters and sprayed water at crowds of frustrated refugees who had briefly broken through the fence that separates Hungary and Serbia. It was also reported that asylum-seekers’ claims were being assessed and rejected ‘within minutes’. These reports have ‘shocked’ the international community, and the purpose of this brief piece is to give an overview of the legal issues engaged.

There are three separate legal regimes that bind Hungary in respect of these events. International law, and in this case, the 1951 Refugee Convention, takes primacy for reasons that will not be discussed in detail here. European Union Law as well as the 1950 European Convention of Human Rights are also relevant as Hungary is party to the EU and the Convention.

Regretfully, history has shown us that rejection at the frontier is not an uncommon response in cases of mass influx of refugees, such as in April 1999, when Macedonia closed its border to Kosovar refugees at the Blace border crossing. Article 33(1) of the 1951 Refugee Convention, to which Hungary became a party in 1989, provides that no-one shall be expelled ‘in any manner whatsoever’ to the frontiers of territories where their lives or freedoms may be in danger. This provision applies to recognised refugees as well as asylum-seekers, and there is strong academic consensus that this provision applies to those presenting themselves at the border, as is the case in Hungary. However, whether the lives of the refugees who have been pushed away from the border with Serbia are now in danger is difficult to tell and therefore it is unclear if Article 33(1) has been engaged on this occasion. If they eventually have to return to Syria (if that is where they came from), then there has certainly been a breach.

A stronger argument can be made that Hungary’s ‘pushback’ actions are in breach of EU and European Human Rights Law. The Dublin III Regulation, which provides that the first EU country in which an asylum seeker arrives has responsibility for determining that asylum seeker’s status, does not render Hungary’s actions legal. Thus if another EU country has been entered prior to arriving at the Hungarian border, Hungary does not necessarily have the right to refuse asylum. Under international law (as opposed to EU law), there is no obligation incumbent upon a refugee to make an asylum claim in the first country of arrival. Further, many of the asylum-seekers trying to cross the Hungarian border would have first arrived in Greece, which does not have a functioning asylum processing regime. Thus Hungary would be responsible for deciding the claim, as set out in the Dublin III regulation. Moreover, the European Court of Human Rights found in the case of MSS v Belgium and Greece [2011] that sending an asylum seeker from Belgium to Greece (in the application of the Dublin Regulation) was in breach of the European Convention on Human Rights. This was because the conditions in Greece violated Article 3 of the Convention, which prohibits torture and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment

Hungary’s argument that Serbia is a ‘safe third country’ also fails upon scrutiny. The safe third country concept provides that asylum need not be granted in the state in which the application was made, provided an alternative state is willing to accept the refugee. Whether sending refugees to a third country is a breach of international law depends on whether effective protection is available in that country. A report by Amnesty International from July 2015 indicates that this is not the case in Serbia, where amongst other factors, refugee recognition rates are extremely low.

The reports of asylum claims being dealt with within ‘minutes’ as reported by the Guardian are also worrying, particularly because there seems to be no effective appeals system and refugees are given information only in the Hungarian language. These actions are arguably a breach of both the 1951 Refugee Convention and the EU Asylum Procedures Directive (Council Directive 2005/85/EC). Although the 1951 Refugee Convention does not formally set out the procedures involved in the determination of refugee status, Goodwin Gill and McAdam in their text The Refugee in International Law (OUP, 2011) argue that the Refugee Convention’s object and purpose of protection and assurance of human rights strongly support an obligation to adopt of effective internal measures. This was the position of the Executive Committee (ExCom) of the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR), which in its Executive Conclusion No. 8 (XXVIII) (1977) set out a range of procedural guarantees to be followed in the determination of asylum proceedings; including that (i) Applicants should receive the necessary guidance as to the procedure to be followed; (ii) Applicants should be given the necessary facilities, including interpreters and contact with the UNHCR, to submit their case; (iii) failed asylum-seekers should be given a reasonable time to appeal and they should be allowed to remain in the country while appeal is pending.

Similarly, the Asylum Procedures Directive guarantees access to a fair and efficient asylum decision and it explicitly applies to applications made at the border. It mirrors the standards set out by the ExCom above, and goes into significant detail regarding the content of the rights granted, such as the conditions under which an interview must take place and the scope of legal assistance and protection. If the allegations of asylum applications being rejected ‘within minutes’ are true, it is highly likely that Hungarian authorities have not complied with these EU and international legal standards.

Finally, it is necessary to examine the legality of the use of tear gas as reported by the Guardian to force migrants back from Hungary’s border. According to the European Court of Human Rights case of Abdullah Yaşa and Others v. Turkey [2013], the use of tear gas in itself is not necessarily a violation of the Convention where a gathering is not peaceful. In the Yaşa case, the gathering was deemed to be ‘not peaceful’ as the demonstrators were throwing stones, as was reportedly the case with the migrants at the Hungarian border. However, the European Court of Human Rights also found that the use of tear gas can be a violation of Article 3 of the Convention where excessive force is used, for example, where tear-gas grenades are launched (Yaşa), or where tear gas is used on someone deprived of their liberty (Güneş v. Turkey [2012]). As the exact circumstances surrounding the use of the tear gas at the Hungarian border is not clear, it seems difficult to come to a conclusion whether the Hungarian authorities’ actions in this respect were unlawful.

In sum, the actions of the Hungarian authorities in allegedly dismissing asylum applications ‘within minutes’ and in rejecting refugees at the frontier are appropriately condemned as a violation of International, EU, and European Rights Law.

 

 

 

Hungary’s Border Control Actions: Past the Borderline of International Law

Hearing with the Delegation for Women’s Rights of the French Senate and National Assembly on Ireland’s Abortion Legislation

We are pleased to welcome this guest post from Claire Nevin.

On the 17th January, 1975, France decriminalised abortion with the passing of the Loi Simone Veil. Forty years later, and in stark contrast to a much more liberal European consensus on abortion and international human rights norms, Ireland remains one of a small minority of countries, including Malta and Poland, which stubbornly cling to oppressive abortion legislation. In the case of Ireland, a woman is liable for a fourteen year prison sentence if she aborts in Ireland.

On the 7th September 2015, the Senator for French Expatriates, Olivier Cadic, was in Dublin on a constituency visit. As Senator for French Expatriates, his mandate requires him to visit specifically allocated countries in order to keep up-to-date with matters relating to the French community abroad. The recent forty year anniversary of the passing of the Loi Simone Veil caused him to take an active interest in the continuing criminalisation of abortion in Ireland and he requested to meet with someone who could inform him about the consequences of Irish abortion legislation during his visit to Dublin. 

Having recently graduated with a master’s degree in human rights and democratisation from the European Inter-University Centre for Human Rights and Democratisation, where I wrote my master’s thesis on Irish abortion discourse, and having previously met the Senator in 2012 while I was a history student in a Parisian university, he was pointed in my direction. During our meeting, he was shocked to discover the oppressive nature of Ireland’s abortion legislation. He was particularly horrified to hear of tragic cases such as Savita, Ms. Y and PP v. HSE, stating that he was not aware of the full extent of the harm inflicted on women’s lives and wellbeing by the 8th amendment.

Senator Cadic expressed the belief that increased pressure from fellow EU member states could play a positive role in pushing for a change in Ireland’s abortion legislation, as so far, EU member states and the European Court of Human Rights have taken a conservative approach to this issue, based on the argument that Ireland’s exceptionalism regarding abortion falls within its ‘margin of appreciation.’ Senator Cadic wants to play a role in attempting to reverse this trend and promote greater consciousness-raising amongst EU member states that Ireland’s abortion legislation and its resulting consequences constitute an urgent human rights issue that deserves due attention at European level.

Senator Cadic and I decided that appealing to EU member states’ vested interest in protecting the rights of their expatriates was an angle that could convince fellow member states that the continuing criminalisation of abortion in Ireland also affects them and their citizens. In order to achieve this and promote greater awareness of and concern for this issue at European level, we decided to stress that freedom of movement within the European Union and the popularity of university exchanges such as the Erasmus programme, result in women who choose to come to Ireland having less rights than in their home countries.

Following on from our meeting in Dublin, Senator Cadic invited me and elected representative for French Expatriates in Ireland, Laurence Helaili, to Paris to speak at the French Senate in front of Senators and the French Delegation of Women’s Rights about Ireland’s abortion legislation. The aim of the visit would be to establish the role that France could play in promoting greater dialogue between Ireland and fellow EU member states on aligning Ireland’s abortion legislation with European consensus and international reproductive rights norms. The 28th October was chosen for the hearing at the Senate; the 28th October 2015 being the third anniversary of the death of Savita Halappanavar, who died as a result of the ‘chilling effect’ of the 8th amendment on Savita’s doctors ability to intervene and provide her with a medically necessary and potentially life-saving abortion.

The meeting with the Delegation for Women’s Rights, presided over by former Minister for the Environment, Senator Chantal Jouanno, was an extremely productive one. Having listened to my presentation on Ireland’s abortion legislation and specific examples from recent years which demonstrate it to be an inherently flawed and harmful piece of legislation, Senator Jouanno did not hesitate to tell me that she feels ‘very afraid for French women living in Ireland.’ By the end of the day, I was starting to get used to being met with disbelief and indignation as I described and answered questions about Ireland’s approach to abortion. This initially surprised me as I had taken for granted that members of another EU member state’s Delegation for Women’s Rights would have been aware of such a glaring example of exceptionalism on a human rights issue within the European Union.

The Delegation for Women’s Rights were of the opinion that more information and greater consciousness-raising within the European Union would be necessary in order to establish dialogue between Ireland and other member states on the need to repeal the 8th amendment and replace it with medically sound and accessible abortion legislation that coheres with human rights standards in the area of sexual and reproductive health. To that end, the Delegation decided to inform French citizens intending to move to Ireland of the rights that they would no longer have regarding their lives, health and choices, upon arrival in Ireland. This will be done by including a section detailing Ireland’s abortion legislation on the information page for expatriates of the French Ministry for Foreign Affair’s website. Senator Jouanno will also write to the French Ambassador to Ireland so that women already in Ireland can be informed and know that their embassy will support them if they need any information.

The day after my visit to the French Senate, I was invited to visit Amnesty International France’s headquarters to discuss the events in the Senate, along with Amnesty’s ongoing My Body My Rights Campaign. Yves Prigent, who is responsible for Amnesty France’s involvement in this campaign, stated that the approach undertaken at the Senate in order to lobby for greater awareness of and pressure to change Ireland’s abortion legislation at European level by appealing to member states’ mutual interest in protecting the lives and health of their expatriates in Ireland, was an ‘ingenious approach.’

Based on such positive feedback and on the receptiveness of the French Senators and Women’s Rights Delegation, I decided that this work should be expanded and built upon by liaising with the embassies of other EU member states in Ireland, with the aim of establishing cooperation along the lines of that which resulted from my meeting at the French Senate. To that end, I am currently in talks with Irish pro-choice organisations about co-signing a letter with that will be send to embassies in Ireland, encouraging other EU member states to take similar interest in the lives and health of their female expatriates. In the letter, I will request to meet with ambassadors and encourage them to take similar steps to France in ensuring that their expatriates are informed of the risks they run in Ireland as a result of the 8th amendment.

Finally, a more political approach would also be advantageous to ensure that the visit to the Senate will resonate with Irish political parties in the run up to the General Election. The letter to the ambassadors will therefore be followed by another letter, also co-signed by pro-choice organisations, which will be sent to all of the Irish political parties to inform them of the steps taken at the French Senate and of the follow on work being done to encourage other member states to take a similar approach. We will highlight the potentially harmful repercussions of such negative perceptions of Ireland abroad, particularly in light of Senator Jouanno’s comment about being ‘afraid’ for French women in Ireland. We will seek responses that clearly outline how parties plan to approach the abortion issue and what steps they will take to align Ireland’s abortion legislation with international human rights standards.

 

Hearing with the Delegation for Women’s Rights of the French Senate and National Assembly on Ireland’s Abortion Legislation